However, some equality-oriented whites believed their
battle was an ongoing success and, maybe, even a battle almost or already won.
In 1867, Lyman Abbott made a report to the Paris international antislavery conference
on the progress of the fight for black liberties and rights in America at the
time. Indeed, Abbott gives a very positive outlook on the situation. With the
ally of hindsight, we can see that this judgment was premature and most likely
due to the bias of these still well-meaning whites’ belief in the success of
their equality societies. Even with this bias in mind, however, it is
interesting to read this document as it reveals the beliefs of radical whites
who fully supported black equality, a group who was obviously not a majority
among whites during Reconstruction. Of note were their beliefs that the
situation of blacks in the early Reconstruction era was on par with serfdom,
that the progress of freedmen-aid societies was successful, and the optimistic
spirit they held for the future.
After the slaves were first emancipated, measures, such
as the black codes, were enacted by white southerners to limit the equality of
blacks. Furthermore, many whites, both southern and northern, believed that a
system incorporating white control over African-Americans’ actions and labor
was the most proper course of proceeding with emancipation. This was where
radical whites such as Lyman Abbott differed vastly from the majority of their
white contemporaries. Rather, they supported a system of white and black
quality. However, Abbott noted that, “the abolition of Slavery and the
establishment of freedom are not one and the same thing.” (Abbott 217) Abbott
compared the situation of African-Americans in early Reconstruction with the
institution of serfdom (Abbott 218). Only with the support of law and freedmen-aid
societies could blacks claim their rightful equality.
While black codes were being abolished, radical whites
also saw black equality taking shape in the success of their freedmen-aid
societies. These groups were funded privately by previously abolitionist
societies and churches as well as publicly through the governmental institution
of the Freedmen’s Bureau. Furthermore, these radical whites believed that these
groups were greatly succeeding in their goals. On this, Abbott commented that,
“[black] labour has been reorganized, justice has been secure, [and] systems of
education … have been established [for blacks]…” (Abbott 228).
Perhaps most outstanding, these radical whites believed
that these perceived successes (sometimes real, sometimes not) indicated an
optimistic outlook on black equality. While there were very real advances in
equality, one may genuinely question how the radical whites were not aware of
the extreme prejudice held by most whites against African-Americans. Abbott
even proclaimed that, “the transition period from Slavery to liberty has been
safely passed…” (Abbott 228). With our hindsight, we know now, however, that
these radical whites’ optimism was premature and that it would be a century
before full legal black equality would be won. Perhaps these radical whites
were eager to proclaim victory for their cause; however, unfortunately, the
struggle for black equality would be a long rough path, strewn with hatred,
violence, grief, and pain.
Abbott,
Lyman. “Survey of the Freedmen’s Bureau’s Work, August 1867.” In The Radical Republicans and Reconstruction
1861-1870, edited by Harold M. Hyman, 212-229. Indianapolis, IN: The Bobbs-Merrill
Company, Inc., 1967.
While it is refreshing to read about actual progress for equality and cooperation between blacks and whites in Reconstruction, it is indeed frustrating to be so overtly aware of their premature optimism. Just as you say, it's a little hard to believe that they could be so willingly inclined to overlook the rampant racism that was still taking its toll on blacks in the South.
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