In 1866 Republicans had allied upon Lyman
Trumbull's Freedmen's Bureau and the Civil Rights bills as necessary amendments
to the success of the Unions Reconstruction.
Republican radicals viewed them as necessary measures to move toward a rudimentary
change needed, and a prelude to readmitting the South back into Congressional
representation. Although Johnson’s
hostility to the Freedmen’s Bureau was known among his fellow republicans and
union party, his Veto of the bill was a shock for him to break away from his
party’s majority vote. In the meantime, a
never-ending stream of complaints, were being sent to Washington. The accusation of mistreatment from Southern
blacks and white loyalists were corrupting the mood in Congress by breaking
down the integrity of Johnson’s central assumption-that the Southern states
could be trusted to manage their own affairs without federal supervision.
On February 19, 1866, President Andrew
Johnson addressed the United States Senate, with his Veto of the Freedmen’s
Bureau Bill. In Johnson’s Veto, he
addressed congress and said, “ I share with Congress the strongest desire to
secure to the freedmen the full employment of their freedom and property and
their independence and equality in making contracts for their labor, but the
bill before me contains provisions which in my opinion are not warranted by the
constitution and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view.”[1] Fair labor had been a part of the plans for
Reconstruction since Abraham Lincoln first proposed his plan. Johnson just felt that the Bill gave the
freedmen and refugees more than the constitution garnered them to be provided
by the government.
Other reservations Johnson stressed about
the Freedmen’s Bill, was a question of it’s timing and the opposition of the Bills
plans to set up military jurisdiction in the areas in the White South and other
regions containing refugees and freedmen.
In Johnson’s speech to congress he said, “This bill proposes to
establish by authority of Congress military jurisdiction over all parts of the
United States containing refugees and freedmen.
It would by its very nature apply with most force to those parts of the
United States in which the freedmen most abound, and its expressly extends the
existing temporary jurisdiction of the freedmen’s bureau, with greatly enlarges
powers over those states.”[2] Because of these questions Johnson leans
amendments for how he would see the bill succeed, “The subjects over which this
military jurisdiction is to extend in ever part of the United States include
protection to ‘all employees, agents, and officers of this bureau in the
exercise of the duties imposed’ upon them by the bill.”[3]
Also other questions arose, for example
the duration of the legislation, concerns about ill-treatment from Ex-masters,
concerns of due process of law, and in which ways the bill would injure the
freedmen themselves. In his speech
Johnson speaks about the constitution and due process for all men, “While the
territory and the classes of the actions and offenses that are made subject to
this measure are so extensive, the bill itself, should it become a law, will
have no limitation in point of time, but will form a part of the permanent
legislation of the country. I can not
reconcile a system of military jurisdiction of this kind with the words of the
Constitution which declare that ‘no person shall be held to answer for a
capitol or otherwise infamous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a
grand jury…”[4] About the mistreatment of Freedmen and
refugees by ex-masters Johnson says, “Undoubtedly the freedmen should be
protected, but he should be protected by civil authorities, especially by the
exercise of all the tile constitutional power on the courts of the United
States and of the States.”[5] Johnson felt that the states and local
authorities could handle the mistreatment without it becoming a federal
problem.
Andrew Johnson concludes
his Veto petitioning the Senate to not pass the Bill into a law without
consideration of the people and a sanctioned judgment by the people. And in the end the Bill came within two votes
of having the two-thirds majority for it to be passed. Johnson may have won the Veto but ultimately
it ended his Presidency.
Great post Misty! I agree that the veto of the Freedman's Bureau Bill eventually costed Johnson his Presidency. I also think that this is a clear example of the way most Americans felt about African-Americans. Even though the most of all of the north and Republicans were against slavery, they did not want the inner-mingling of whites ad blacks.
ReplyDeleteIt seems that Johnson could have done a lot more with the Freedman's bureau Bill than what he did, and maybe it would have gone a bit better. I think that his favoritism to the South kind of played a role in it. Very well written.
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